MANILA-Is ‘the genie out of that cursed bottle?’, asked the Inquirer’s May 6 editorial on summary killings and abductions, as in the Jonas Burgos case. “The President gives an order and nothing happens. Or rather, the same thing happens again and again". Shouldn’t the question be rephrased? Who threw away the cork?
The President keeps the genie bottled, protests Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita. “Biased,” he said of Arcbhishop Oscar Cruz’s comment: Despite the President’s “ceremonial investigations," mayhem continues. ‘The Commander in Chief is no longer in command." She simply accepts what the military does.
“Comment is free,” Manchester Guardian’s
C.P. Scott once wrote. “But facts are sacred.” Spike those bloated tallies by
communist fronts. The fact remains the body count has bolted. Thus, European
Union Ambassador Alistair MacDonald reached for an undiplomatic but apt
adjective: “shocking.”
You’ll have to pardon Archbishop Cruz.
He’s handcuffed to the example set by Pope John Paul II. In Malacanang, the
Pontiff told Ferdinand Marcos to his face: “Government can not claim to serve
the common good when human rights are not safeguarded."
“Under Marcos, military murder was the
apex of a pyramid of terror - 3,257 were killed, 35,000 tortured and 70,000
incarcerated," Alfred McCoy writes in “Closer Than Brothers” ( Yale
University ) That is lower than Argentina’s 8,960 victims but exceeds the 2,115
extra-judicial deaths under General Pinochet in Chile. “The Filipino-English
dialect coined the neologism ‘salvaging" to capture the aura of
terror."
“The armed forces were no longer the
servant of the state. Brutal and brutalized, the genie “became the bastion of a
particular regime. Young lieutenants, Gringo Honasan, Rodolfo Aguinaldo, Victor
Batac and others tortured in “national security’s name. “The Metrocom
Intelligence and Security Group produced some of the most fearsome and brutal
cops in memory. Panfilo Lacson joined MISG right after his PMA graduation and
rose through its ranks, for the next 15 years, on a fast track to national
police power."
As in Argentina and Chile , the military
here wrung impunity for crimes and coups from the fragile post Edsa One
democracy. “Torturers were transformed into heroes.” And despite lonely
protests from Senator Franklin Drilon, amnesty was given even for “death squads
of PMA graduates led by their barons," the study adds.
Impunity has consequences. Masterminds of
Benigno Aquino’s murder haven’t been brought to book. And its legacy
spans generations. The Magdalo mutineers were a handful, editor Marites Vitug
says in a Christian Science Monitor interview. Many officers work by
constitutional values. But others continue to see themselves “as a fiefdom
outside normal national law." This lack of accountability stokes some of
the country’s long-running conflicts.
Impunity surging through a weak state, wracked
by insurgency and resurgent political warlords, triggered blood lust.
Orphaned by People Power One, communist
leaders unleashed pogroms: “Kadena de Amor” in Quezon-Bicol (1982), “Kampanyang
Ahos” in Mindanao (1985-86), “Operations Missing Link” in Southern Tagalog
(1988) “Olympia” in Metro Manila ( 1998-99 ), among others. Commissars
acted as prosecutors, judges and executioners.
How many victims did that psychotic
nightmare claim? In a 2003 Inquirer interview, former Communist Party (CPP)
chair Rodolfo Salas estimates 1,800 were executed. University of the
Philippines Professor Walden Bello figures 700 killed in purges that netted
five agents. Who knows? All the graves have not been located yet.
A decimated CPP ultimately halted the
slaughter. But communists who quit the movement were salvaged to terrify
others. Romulo Kintanar, Felimon ‘Popoy’ Lagman and Arturo Tabara were cut
down. “It’s sometimes necessary to kill the chicken to scare the monkey,"
Jose Maria Sison quoted Mao to justify Kintanar’s murder, Pierre Rousset writes
in “The Post 1992 CPP Assassination Policy.” But Kintanar’s widow screamed at
Sison: “Stop playing god.”
Like Khmer Rouge executioners, pogrom
killers haven’t been held to account. Some are button-down executives in Makati
today, survivors say. Reps. Satur Ocampo, Teodoro Casino, Liza Masa are deaf
to plea from relatives to locate killing field graves.
‘The defense of human rights and human
dignity" has to be impartial, irrespective of religious belief or
ideology," Catholic bishops noted in their 2006 statement. That includes
areas barely touched upon by the Melo Commission or the UN’s Alston report,
like executions in Mayor Rodrigo Duterte’s Davao and Mayor Tomas Osmena’s Cebu
.
In 2007, summary executions rippled out
from Davao City to del Norte and Oriental, the Human Rights Commission says.
Some 147 were killed in 2005, the US State Department reported. In Cebu City ,
the body count is 173 today. Pervasive weakness in rule of law, official
impunity, and the wide disparity between rich and poor contributed to cynicism
about official justice.
Cebu’s death squads improved on Davao :
Two motorcycle teams back up for the pointman and executioners. Bounties are
clipped from businessmen for community security. “Greater love than this no man
hath than to lay down" - someone else’s life for my peace and order."
Now, 99 judges will start to handle cases
of salvaging and abductions. Decisions must be handed down within 30 days. This
is welcome. Their performance will show whether impunity is ending. And maybe,
just maybe, we’ll find that cork